Includes bibliographical references (pages 457-491) and indexes.
Contents:
2.4.2.2. If headedness among two elements is contrastive, the headedness specification of one of the two combinations can be left unspecified (i.e. the default option) 1.1. Introduction -- 1.2. Opacity and transparency -- 1.2.1. Fully symmetrical harmony -- 1.2.2. Neutral vowels and how they behave (and a proposal) -- 1.2.3. Confirmation of the HS proposal -- 1.2.4. Other vowel behaviors -- 1.2.5. Perceptual transparency and genuine transparency -- 1.2.6. Potential problems for the HS theory -- 1.2.6.1. Unexpected behavior of neutral [i] and [e] in palatal systems -- 1.2.6.2. Unexpected transparency and opacity: the case of Khalkha (Mongolian) -- 1.2.6.3. Unexpected transparency of [a] in tongue root systems -- 1.2.6.4. Other cases that might be problematic -- 1.2.6.5. Participating consonants -- 1.3. Why locality does not go away -- 1.4. Root control versus dominant-recessive systems -- 1.5. Some general aspects of VH -- 1.5.1. Terminology and typology -- 1.5.2. Mechanisms of VH -- 1.5.3. Rules and/or constraints -- 1.5.4. Harmonic domains -- 1.5.5. Conditions on triggers and targets -- 1.5.6. Directionality -- 1.5.7. Vowel harmony and loanwords -- 1.5.8. Data and methods -- 1.6. Concluding remarks and preview of this book -- 2. RcvP model -- 2.1. Introduction -- 2.2. Synopsis of RcvP -- 2.2.1. Segmental structure in RcvP -- 2.2.2. Syllable structure in RcvP -- 2.2.3. Vowel structures in RcvP -- 2.3. Minimal vowel representations -- 2.3.1. Constraints -- 2.3.2. Successive Division Algorithm -- 2.3.3. problem of normalization -- 2.3.4. Applications -- 2.3.5. example of an argument for different rankings in the Dresher approach -- 2.4. Types of underspecification -- 2.4.1. Underspecification of non-contrastive (predictable) information -- 2.4.1.1. Non-distinctive elements need not be specified -- 2.4.1.2. Non-distinctive headedness need not be specified -- 2.4.1.3. Headedness need not be specified if there is only one element in a gesture -- 2.4.2. Underspecification of contrastive information (radical underspecification) -- 2.4.2.1. In each gesture, one element can be designated as the default option (and be left unspecified) -- 2.4.2.2. If headedness among two elements is contrastive, the headedness specification of one of the two combinations can be left unspecified (i.e. the default option) 11.6. Conclusions to this book. 2.6. Markedness -- 2.7. Enhancement -- 2.8. Articulatory and acoustic correlates of elements -- 2.9. Alternatives for the expression of ATR -- 2.10. Concluding remarks -- 3. Harmony as licensing -- 3.1. Introduction -- 3.2. Licensing and lexical representations -- 3.2.1. Lateral licensing -- 3.2.2. Internal and external harmony -- 3.3. Dominant-recessive harmony -- 3.4. Morpheme-internal harmony and directionality -- 3.5. Cyclicity -- 3.6. Back to transparency and opacity -- 3.6.1. van der Hulst and Smith (1986) theory -- 3.6.2. Adapting the HS theory to the licensing model -- 3.6.2.1. Opacity in the licensing model -- 3.6.2.2. Transparency in the licensing model -- 3.6.2.3. Idiosyncratic neutralization -- 3.6.2.4. Unexpected transparency and opacity -- 3.6.2.5. Summary -- 3.7. Why the variable approach is better than the abstract approach -- 3.8. Conditions on triggers and targets -- 3.9. Skewed harmonic counterparts -- 3.10. Concluding remarks -- 4. Palatal harmony -- 4.1. Introduction -- 4.2. behavior of neutral vowels in Balto-Finnic languages -- 4.2.1. Finnish -- 4.2.1.1. basic data and analysis -- 4.2.1.2. Additional relevant data -- 4.2.2. Other behaviors of front neutral vowels -- 4.2.3. Previous accounts of the four-way typology -- 4.2.3.1. van der Hulst (2015a) and a reply to Rebrus and Torkenczy (2015a, b) -- 4.2.3.2. Polgardi (2015) -- 4.3. Three other Finnic languages -- 4.3.1. Votic -- 4.3.1.1. Neutral [o] -- 4.3.1.2. Front and back /l/ -- 4.3.2. Khanty -- 4.3.3. Seto -- 4.4. Hungarian -- 4.4.1. basic data and analysis -- 4.4.2. Anti-harmonic neutral roots -- 4.4.3. Disharmonic roots -- 4.4.4. Non-alternating suffixes -- 4.4.5. On harmony "that cannot be represented" -- 4.4.5.1. count effect -- 4.4.5.2. Polysyllabic split -- 4.4.5.3. Truncation -- 4.4.5.4. Harmonic uniformity -- 4.4.5.5. transparency hierarchy -- 4.4.5.6. How transparent vowels do not behave and why -- 4.4.6. Labial harmony -- 4.4.7. Concluding remarks -- 4.5. Other cases of palatal harmony -- 4.6. Concluding remarks -- 5. Labial harmony -- 5.1. Introduction -- 5.2. Standard Turkish -- 5.2.1. basic pattern -- 5.2.2. Irregular suffixes -- 5.2.3. Harmonizing epenthetic vowels -- 5.2.4. Disharmonic roots -- 5.2.5. Consonants and harmony -- 5.2.5.1. palatal lateral -- 5.2.5.2. Front suffixes after non-palatal consonants -- 5.2.5.3. Labial attraction -- 5.2.6. Conclusions -- 5.3. typology of labial harmony -- 5.3.1. Logical combinations of palatal and labial harmony -- 5.3.2. Defective patterns in labial harmony -- 5.3.3. Generalizations -- 5.3.4. interdependency between labial harmony and palatal harmony -- 5.3.5. Defective patterns in palatal harmony -- 5.3.6. Conclusions -- 5.4. Three other Turkic languages -- 5.4.1. Diphthongs in Yakut -- 5.4.2. Bashkir -- 5.4.3. Azerbaijani suffixes -- 5.5. Yowlumne -- 5.6. Harmony by non-licensing -- 5.7. catalog of dependencies -- 5.8. Concluding remarks -- 6. Aperture harmony -- 6.1. Introduction -- 6.2. Preliminary considerations -- 6.3. Lowering and raising harmony in Bantu languages -- 6.3.1. Lowering -- 6.3.1.1. Typological generalizations -- 6.3.1.2. Kikuyu -- 6.3.1.3. Complete aperture harmony: Kimatuumbi -- 6.3.1.4. Esimbi -- 6.3.1.5. Shona -- 6.3.2. Raising -- 6.3.2.1. Nzebi -- 6.3.2.2. Kinande -- 6.3.2.3. Zulu -- 6.3.2.4. Bantu -- 6.3.2.5. Additional cases of 'raising' -- 6.3.3. Conclusions -- 6.4. Lhasa Tibetan -- 6.5. Farsi -- 6.6. Raising and lowering in Romance languages -- 6.6.1. Raising and lowering in Pasiego Spanish -- 6.6.2. Metaphony in Italian dialects -- 6.6.2.1. Representative examples -- 6.6.2.2. Formal analysis -- 6.6.3. Discussion and conclusions -- 6.7. Concluding remarks -- 7. Typology of African tongue root systems -- 7.1. Introduction -- 7.2. General aspects -- 7.2.1. Asymmetries in TR systems -- 7.2.2. Markedness paradoxes involving [ATR] -- 7.2.3. parallel -- 7.2.4. Toward an explanatory account -- 7.2.5. Patterns of merger -- 7.2.6. Opacity and transparency -- 7.2.6.1. 1H systems: Bantu C -- 7.2.6.2. Summary -- 7.3. Concluding remarks -- 8. Case studies of African tongue root systems -- 8.1. Introduction -- 8.2. Niger-Congo -- 8.2.1. Wolof (Atlantic) -- 8.2.2. Okpe (Kwa) -- 8.2.3. Ogori (Kwa) -- 8.2.4. C'Lela (Benue-Congo; Non-Bantu, Kainji) -- 8.2.5. Tunen (Benue-Congo; Bantu) -- 8.2.6. Yoruba (Benue-Congo; Bantu) -- 8.2.6.1. Standard Yoruba in Radical Underspecification Theory using active [-ATR] -- 8.2.6.2. analysis with active [+ATR] -- 8.2.6.3. Standard Yoruba in RcvP -- 8.2.6.4. Ijesa/Ekiti Yoruba -- 8.2.6.5. Ife Yoruba -- 8.3. Nilo-Saharan -- 8.3.1. Maasai (Eastern Sudanic) -- 8.3.2. Turkana (Eastern Sudanic) -- 8.3.3. Bari (Eastern Sudanic) -- 8.3.4. Lango (Western Sudanic) -- 8.3.5. Moru-Madi (Central Sudanic) -- 8.4. Afro-Asiatic -- 8.4.1. Somali (Cushitic) -- 8.4.2. Kera (Chadic) -- 8.5. Concluding remarks -- 9. Asian tongue root systems -- 9.1. Introduction -- 9.2. 'ATR' or 'RTR'? -- 9.3. Tungusic languages -- 9.3.1. Southwest Tungusic: Classical Manchu and its descendants -- 9.3.2. Southeast Tungusic -- 9.3.3. Northern Tungusic -- 9.3.4. Concluding remarks about Tungusic languages -- 9.4. Mongolian languages -- 9.4.1. Type I: Khalkha, Shuluun Hoh -- 9.4.2. Type II-IV languages -- 9.5. Concluding remarks -- 10. Other cases of vowel harmony -- 10.1. Introduction -- 10.2. Other Asian systems -- 10.2.1. Middle Korean -- 10.2.2. Chukchi -- 10.3. North American systems -- 10.3.1. Nez Perce -- 10.3.2. Coeur d'Alene -- 10.3.3. Menomini -- 10.4. South American systems: Karaja -- 10.5. Australian systems -- 10.5.1. Djingili -- 10.5.2. Warlpiri -- 10.5.3. Nuangumardu -- 10.6. Austronesian languages -- 10.6.1. Kimaragang -- 10.6.2. Javanese -- 10.7. Arabic systems -- 10.7.1. Maltese -- 10.7.2. Palestinian Arabic -- 10.7.3. Tigre -- 10.8. Indian systems -- 10.8.1. Assamese -- 10.8.2. Telugu -- 10.9. Laxing harmony in Romance -- 10.9.1. Andalusian Spanish -- 10.9.2. Pasiego Spanish -- 10.9.3. Canadian French -- 10.10. Stress-induced harmony -- 10.10.1. Umlaut in Germanic -- 10.10.2. Chamorro -- 10.11. Retroflex harmony -- 10.12. Nasal harmony -- 10.13. Vowel harmony in ancient languages: Sumerian -- 10.14. Concluding remarks -- 11. Summary and areas for further research -- 11.1. Introduction -- 11.2. Summary of the theory -- 11.3. System dependency -- 11.4. general framework for opacity and transparency -- 11.5. Dependencies among tiers -- 11.6. Conclusions to this book.
Summary:
"This book deals with the phenomenon of vowel harmony, a phonological process whereby all the vowels in a word are required to share a specific phonological property, such as front or back articulation. Vowel harmony occurs in the majority of languages of the world, though only in very few European languages, and has been a central concern in phonological theory for many years. In this volume, Harry van der Hulst puts forward a new theory of vowel harmony, which accounts for the patterns of and exceptions to this phenomenon in the widest range of languages ever considered. The book begins with an overview of the general causes of asymmetries in vowel harmony systems. The two following chapters provide a detailed account of a new theory of vowel harmony based on unary elements and licensing, which is embedded in a general dependency-based theory of phonological structure. In the remaining chapters, this theory is applied to a variety of vowel harmony phenomena from typologically diverse languages, including palatal harmony in languages such as Finnish and Hungarian, labial harmony in Turkic languages, and tongue root systems in Niger-Congo, Nilo-Saharan, and Tungusic languages. The volume provides a valuable overview of the diversity of vowel harmony in the languages of the world and is essential reading for phonologists of all theoretical persuasions"--Publisher's description.
This resource is supported by the Institute of Museum and Library Services under the provisions of the Library Services and Technology Act as administered by State Library of Iowa.